The Asian American Antiwar Movement and the Creation of a Pan-Asian American Identity

 Author: Nicole Tian

P&P Mentors: Henry Jacob, Tevž Sitar

Introduction

“The fire-bombing – two Molotov cocktails – occurred just after 2 a.m. Tuesday. Flames shot 40 feet, searing and blackening part of the ROTC building.”

Vaun Wilmott, The Sacramento Bee, May 6 1970

The early morning torching of the Reserve Officers’ Training Corps (ROTC) building, the most accessible representation of the United States (U.S.) military on the University of California Davis (UC Davis) campus, spotlighted the mindset of college students in opposition to the Vietnam War. At noon the day before, over 2,000 college students had staged a protest at the door of the ROTC. College students cycling through the ceremony and blocking the path with their bodies foiled the plan to award ROTC officers on UC Davis’ intramural field.[1] Twenty miles east of the antiwar protests at UC Davis, students emptied classrooms at Sacramento State College in a silent strike. Around 100 of those on strike waved picket signs and called for the end of American intervention in Southeast Asia.[2] In both cases, student anger stemmed from the Ohio National Guard’s fatal shooting of four students at a Kent State University protest against the war two days prior as well as the long years of the “unwinnable” war.[3]

While the mainstream antiwar movement protested the war’s futility and its toll on U.S. troops with the slogan “bring the boys home,” the war produced a different response from the Asian American population. They objected to the training of Asian-American soldiers sent to fight in Vietnam to view even civilians as dehumanized enemies and to treat them as such by bombing native jungles with Napalm and taunting civilians.[4] Asian American activists developed a critical discourse linking Asians in America to those in Indochina, juxtaposing racial discrimination against Asian Americans at home with the suffering of Vietnamese people abroad (make this more clear, simplify wording). Advocating a distinctive Asian American line against the war, the Asian American anti war movement began with a discussion of U.S. racism and imperialism and transformed into the broader Asian American Movement (AAM), most active during the late 1960s through the mid-1970s. It brought together the children of middle class and working class immigrants on college campuses and galvanized Americans of Asian Ancestry to demand changes in schooling institutions, organize workers, and provide social services such as housing, food and healthcare for the poor. Racialized antiwar activism drove the creation of a transnational “Asian American” identity. The emergency of this pan-Asian identity and the ideology it reflected further motivated many movement participants.[5] (make more specific)

Historical Context

During the Vietnam War, Asian American activists responded to the centuries of colonization. Vietnam first lost its independence in 1859, when French armies conquered Saigon and added the country to its growing colonial empire in Indochina. Japanese forces occupied French Indochina during World War II, though after the war ended, France scrambled to recolonize Vietnam. In opposition to colonial rule, North Vietnam political leader Ho Chi Minh formed the Viet Minh after models of communism reflected in the Soviet Union. With Japan’s defeat, Emperor Bao Dai, a member of the former Vietnamese monarchy, assumed control. In response, Viet Minh troops declared the new Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) government, hoping to unify Vietnam under a communist regime with Ho as president. However, French-backed Bao wished to unite the country by bolstering its ties to Western countries. Viet Minh forces defeated the French at the Battle of Dien Bien Phu, and the resulting treaty split Vietnam along the 17th Parallel, granting the North to Ho and the South to Bao. The South, however, continued to experience instability as Bao was ousted by politician Ngo Dinh Diem, who seized power in 1954, forming the Government of the Republic of Vietnam (GVN). The Americans saw the division of Vietnam as a threat to their democratic sphere of influence.

Thus, U.S. intervention in Vietnam began in 1955 as a result of the “domino” theory, which claimed that if one nation fell to communism, its surrounding neighbors would similarly surrender. American officials believed that if the communist North Vietnam regime overtook the southern West-backed government, Southeast Asian countries bordering Vietnam would also come under the control of the Soviet Union. Ideology morphed into full-scale military action in 1964, when North Vietnamese forces allegedly attacked two U.S. naval destroyers in the Gulf of Tonkin. Up until the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, America had provided aid to Vietnam in the form of economic and military support. The resolution increased U.S. military presence in Vietnam, deploying soldiers to the country.[6]

By the fall of Saigon and unification of Vietnam under a Communist regime in 1976, tremendous damage and grave death tolls had been inflicted on the Vietnamese population and their ravaged territory. According to the country’s official estimate released in 1995, 2 million civilians each from the North and South had died along with 1.1 million Viet Minh and Viet Cong fighters. Out of all the American troops involved in military operations in Vietnam, over 58,200 were reported missing or dead.[7] 

Lack of Pan-Asian Unity Prior to 1960s

Since the mid-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, over one million Asian people immigrated to the United States, first from China, then Japan, and later the Philippines, along with smaller numbers of them from Korea and India. However, the Asian American population remained internally divided by locality and nationality.[8] They identified not with each other but strictly with neighbors of the same national background to avoid being categorized by the American public as a monolithic ethnicity based on phenotypes.[9] [10]

Exclusion policies to regulate immigrants targeted nationalities separately, encouraging further divisiveness. In 1882, President Chester A. Arthur signed the Chinese Exclusion Act, prohibiting Chinese workers from immigrating to the U.S.[11] Chinese exclusion was renewed in 1892 and made permanent in 1904. In 1908, the Gentleman’s Agreement similarly barred Japanese laborers, and the 1934 Tydings-McDuffie Act prevented Filipino migration.[12] Exclusion policies did not encourage a pan-Asian identity; each group distinguished themselves in order to preserve their individual cultures and distanced themselves from other groups for protection against the discrimination other Asian ethnic groups faced. It was not until the Immigration Act of 1952 that Asian exclusion policies ended, somewhat leveling the field for Asian Americans of different ethnicities.

In addition to the desire to maintain distinct ethnic identities, conflicts in East Asia limited cooperative efforts among Asian Americans in the country. During the Sino-Japanese War in 1937, the acceptance of Chinese Americans at home became more likely due to the Sino-American alliance against Japan and public sympathy toward the Chinese. An article published in Life magazine in 1941 with the title “How to Tell Japs From the Chinese” emphasizes not only the gap in heritage between Chinese Americans and Japanese Americans but also relies on supposed distinctions in physical appearance. The subhead claims that “angry citizens victimize [Chinese American] allies with emotional outburst at [Japanese American] enemy,” and the piece compares the picture of a Chinese man with features such as “lighter facial bones” and “parchment yellow complexion” in contrast to a photo of a Japanese man with a “massive cheek and jaw bone” and “earthy yellow complexion.”[13] Terror over the common “Japanese enemy” suddenly reconciled Chinese Americans and the American public. A poster distributed by the U.S. Office of Wartime Information in 1942 displays a photograph of a smiling Asian man with the label Chinese, announcing “This man is your FRIEND” and “He fights for FREEDOM.”[14] In 1943, President Franklin D. Roosevelt repealed the Chinese Exclusion Act, though this new Sino-American alliance came at the cost of Japanese American discrimination, with about 120,000 Japanese Americans on the Pacific coast sent to internment camps. Designating who were the “good Asians” and who were the “bad Asians”, America succeeded in controlling its Asian American communities. Asian Americans internalized this divisiveness during the war. 

Before World War II, Asian immigrant groups focused their efforts on building community institutions and economic and political survival in the country.[15] Although Asian Americans shared comparable grievances – immigration restrictions, circumscribed socioeconomic mobility, denial of legal and political rights, cultural vilification, and physical violence, none of these built a sense of common cause among Asian immigrants of different ethnicities, and homeland politics exacerbated the indifference. Asian American political activities were limited to court challenges of discrimination, diasporic nationalist movements that supported homeland political issues, organizing for labor rights to gain better wages and working conditions, and community building within their respective ethnic enclaves.[16]

The post-war period brought a dramatic change. The G.I. Bill enabled Asians who had fought in World War II to pursue higher education and move out of ethnic enclaves to surrounding regions or traditionally white suburbs. As they moved out of their tight cultural circles, they interacted with Asians from different backgrounds, and the younger generations let go of the grudges held by older immigrants.[17]

By 1968, Asian immigrants and their descendants had been in the United States for over a century and had challenged discriminatory laws and racism for many decades. But none of these separate cases built a sense of common cause among Asian immigrants of different ethnicities. The social distance among Asian Americans limited their ability to develop a common experience and identity. However, this social separation evaporated as a new generation of young Asian Americans arrived on college campuses with the ability to communicate through the shared native tongue of English. As Chinese American Paul Louie writes in the Asian American publication Gidra, the most widely circulated Asian American newspaper in that period, while his parents, living through the Sino-Japanese War as adults, directed “hostility and no love toward the Japanese,” Louie himself harbored no “‘feelings against the Japanese people.’”[18] With the onset of the Vietnam War and shared anger at American intervention in Southeast Asia, they broke down national barriers to build a student anti war movement critical of American racism and imperialism. Their anti war argument was shaped by the fact that many Americans had yet to enjoy this American “liberty” which the military was so keen to impose elsewhere. Drawing influence from the anti war movements, the Asian American Movement forged a political coalition that united Asians of varying ethnicities with their emerging transnational identity.

Racism in the Military and Imperialist Policy

Opposition to the war strengthened during the late 1960’s. As one leaflet distributed for an anti war march on the Pentagon declared, they wished to “confront the warmakers in Washington D.C.” to “bring [the men in Vietnam] home.”[19] On a narrower scale, the Asian American community specifically protested against the racial dehumanization and imperialist policies used in Vietnam. Asian Americans were uniquely positioned by the war, for unlike every other racial group, they were conflated with the enemy because they bore faces that looked like those of the enemy. Identifying with Vietnamese people based on the experiences of Asian American soldiers was a significant way in which the Asian Americans distinguished themselves from the larger antiwar movement.[20]

Asian American soldiers in the military, who battled both traditional warfare and racial discrimination during the war, shaped Asian American community’s anti war arguments. They recounted harmful stereotypes that deemed Southeast Asians as zealots and cowards and overly sexualized women.[21] Not only were Asian American soldiers trained to dehumanize the Vietnamese enemies, but they were also dehumanized by their American peers in the military. Asian American soldiers were often singled out in the military unit by American G.I.’s as the “gook”, a racial slur characteristically used in military rhetoric during World War II and the following Korean War and Vietnam War for those of Asian descent.[22]

            Japanese American soldier Mike Nakayama recalls that although he joined the military as an opportunity to leave the gang violence of his neighborhood, he found no solace in the army. From the start of training, the drill instructor used him as an example of a “gook,” introducing him to the platoon not as a fellow soldier but as one who physically resembled the enemy. Despite the boot camp experience that trained him to dehumanize the Vietnamese enemies, Nakayama began to recognize "'them as human beings'" soon after his deployment.[23] Fellow Japanese American veteran Mike Watanabe states in an interview that he realized the racial divide between himself and his counterparts, stating that he “saw how [white soldiers] were treating the Vietnamese, calling them gooks, running them over with their trucks.” As a result, he “figured [he was] a gook also.”[24] In response to the blatant racism their peers in the military displayed to Southeast Asian civilians, Asian American soldiers refused to echo the same slurs that they had been on the receiving end of. Whereas many service men called the Vietnamese “gooks, slant-eyes and slopes,” Asian American soldiers “had more empathy in talking to them …We wouldn’t talk about them that way… To us, they were just people.”[25] Although American Orientalism had earlier led to the separation of nationalities, the same monolithic grouping of all Asians as “gooks” encouraged identification with the Vietnamese. 

Racist attacks were not only morally deflating but also genuinely dangerous. Those labeled as “gooks” were treated literally as an enemy. Asian American soldier Larry Silvestre, aware of the dangers of being mistaken as a Vietnamese villager, made sure to loudly declare his presence upon return.[26] American GIs remarked to Jose Velasquez, a Filipino member of the G Company, 75th Infantry Regiment, that he looked “just like a Viet” and would go as far as to pull their guns on him. Velasquez’s team, called “Team Hawaii” due to its multiethnic composition, included two Hawaiian soldiers, a Chinese soldier, a Japanese soldier, and a Native American soldier. While out on their first mission to infiltrate the enemy due to their ability to “blend in” racially, the team donned the traditional black clothing worn by the Viet Cong. Soon after noticing two helicopters with gunners circling above, they panicked, ripping off the disguise and wildly waving their radio headsets. Velasquez recalls that had “never been so scared as that time…these are your…your own guys.”[27] Such dangers were not inflicted by the Vietnamese enemy but by fellow soldiers and even platoon leaders, who often sent Asian American soldiers out on reconnaissance missions based on their race.

Atrocities committed against Vietnamese civilians further turned Asian Americans against the war. In March of 1968, the Charlie Company of the 1st Battalion, 20th Infantry Regiment, 11th Infantry Brigade, which so far been unable to eliminate the Viet Cong 48th Battalion, received false information that Viet Cong fighters were taking refuge in the South Vietnamese village of My Lai. As a result, Captain Ernest Medina ordered all inhabitants of the village to be treated as possible Viet Cong supporters, encouraging destruction of buildings and slaughtering of livestock. A day later on March 16, Lieutenant William Calley led the 1st Platoon through My Lai, followed by the 2nd and 3rd Platoon. In a period of four hours, American soldiers raped women, burned down hamlets, and killed as many as 500 villagers who posed no threat. However, reports of the My Lai Massacre did not reach the Pentagon until the following year.[28] Public opinion sided with Calley, who they felt was unfairly blamed for the actions of his higher officials. The trial itself was subjectively influenced by opinion polls and letters to officials, and army prosecutors were unable to successfully challenge the military institution. President Richard Nixon’s administration encouraged a reduced sentence for Calley.[29]

Aligning themselves with the estimated 34,600 Asian American soldiers and Vietnamese civilians based on racial lines, the Asian American antiwar movement focused on the anti-Asian and imperialist aspects of the war they believed the mainstream antiwar movement neglected. Indeed, the Asian American antiwar movement emerged from a belief that the mainstream peace movement was racist in its disregard for Asians and drew a parallel to domestic anti-Asian racism, creating a pan-Asian resistance toward the war and politically galvanizing Asian American communities.[30]

The Asian American antiwar movement thus took a squarely anti-imperialist stance, establishing the Bay Area Asian Coalition Against the War (BAACAW), a multiethnic group comprised of Chinese, Filipino, Vietnamese and Japanese students in the San Francisco Bay Area.[31] BAACAW opposed the war in Indochina as only the latest instance of U.S. imperialism against Asians. As stated in its newsletter, BAACAW’s “goal [was] to build a solid, broad-based anti-imperialist movement of Asian people against the war in Vietnam.”[32] BAACAW’s anti-imperialism politics typified the position adopted by many other Asian American groups. As early as November 1968, the Asian American Political Alliance (AAPA) published an anti-war statement emphasizing the impact of American imperialism on Southeast Asia. It argues that “U.S. imperialists have carried out a policy, most ruthless in history, against the Vietnamese people, grossly violating the independence, sovereignty, unity, and territorial integrity of Vietnam.”[33] AAPA declared that its antiwar advocacy was not founded upon pacifism or American sacrifices during the war but on account of support for the Vietnamese, who were “struggling for independence, democracy, peace and neutrality” and were “resolved to drive out any imperialism forces from Viet Nam.” Indeed, anti-imperialism was one of AAPA’s central tenets: as stated in an “AAPA Perspectives” column, “We Asian Americans oppose the imperialistic policies being pursued by the American government.”[34] Organizing against the war as an instance of anti-Asian U.S. imperialism brought together Asians of various ethnicities and strengthened racial solidarity. BAACAW’s multiethnic membership organized events such as selling calendars to fundraise for medical supplies for Vietnam in an acknowledgement of racial alliance. Aside from participating in broad antiwar gatherings, Asian American contingents marched together, carrying flags representing their ethnicity.[35]

BAACAW eagerly incorporated veterans’ perspectives into its programs. During one meeting, an Asian American Vietnam War veteran addressed his experience with racism in the army. Similarly, an announcement of a demonstration promised that a veteran would “talk about war atrocities and the contradiction he faces as an Asian forced to fight against other Asians.” All of these activities reinforced the idea that Asian Americans shared an identity with the Vietnamese by virtue of their common race.[36]

Although BAACAW broke up after the Paris Peace Accords in 1973, and the antiwar movement ended after U.S. troops returned from Vietnam, antiwar advocacy fostered racial solidarity and created a lasting pan-Asian alliance. Chinese, Japanese, and Filipino students committed to uniting individuals of various ethnicities and regions, creating the modern identification of “Asian American.”[37]

Creation of a Pan-Asian Identity

Driven by racialized antiwar activism as a political common ground, Asian American activists founded their own Asian American movement (AAM) to end anti-Asian racism and imperialism. Working toward Asian liberation at home and abroad, Berkeley student activists Yuji Ichioka and Emma Gee founded the AAPA at Berkeley in May of 1968, one of the first political organizations for Asian Americans.[38] AAM came at a crossroads with an upheaval in social and political beliefs. College students around the country campaigned for social justice issues ranging from civil rights to feminism to drug policy reforms.[39] In order to expand its activism, AAPA first needed to formulate its identity. In a mostly binary racial society, AAPA debated over their relationship to the white majority and borrowed from the advocacy of the Black Power Movement to support their own self-definition and ideology.[40] Defying the traditional standard of Asian assimilation and narrow ethnic and class-based radicalism, Ichioka and others wanted to establish a group “behind an Asian American banner”, seeking to pioneer a self-determined definition of Asian Americans by embracing multiethnic, interracial, and transnational solidarity.[41] Ichioka created the term “Asian American” as opposed to the previous label of “Oriental” that dominant culture imposed upon them.[42]

By stressing the connections between various Asian ethnic groups and the need for multiethnic unity, AAPA denounced assimilation into whiteness in favor of partnering with other people of color.[43] The participation of Asian American radicals in the San Francisco State College strike as part of the Third World Liberation Front (TWLF) represents a pivotal moment in the Asian American movement. From November 6, 1968 to March 21, 1969, students at San Francisco State College mounted the longest student strike in U.S. history. Led by TWLF, the strikes demanded the establishment of an autonomous school of ethnic studies in which people of color would control faculty hiring and curricula, along with open admissions for Blacks, Latinos and Asian Americans. AAPA held special forums and sought to build support for the strike within the Asian American community.[44] The strike eventually resulted in the establishment of the first school of ethnic studies in the United States. It additionally helped to root Asian American activism within an interethnic and interracial alliance.[45]

In addition to their refusal to identify with assimilationist policies, the AAPA members also participated in activism for organizations advocating for black liberties. Politicizing their support for the Black Liberation Movement, some Asian Americans, particularly those involved with the New Left dominated by native-born Asian Americans rather than immigrants, allied with the Black Panther Party (BPP) and turned to radical socialism and Communism to theoretically transcend race.[46] In their fierce opposition to the U.S. system of government, Black Panther Party (BPP) leaders, a militant black power organization, turned to socialist regimes as a possible example of the equality they felt America had denied them. Co-founder of the BPP party Huey Newton personally traveled to East Asian Communist countries such as China, North Vietnam, and North Korea, reporting that he experienced a “sensation of freedom.” Newton, however, had received a highly orchestrated Communist tour which promoted the idea that Communism had transcended racism. The reality remained, in fact, far from this ideal. Racism continued as a global problem without the young radicals’ ability to perceive a racist continuum between Communism and U.S. imperialism. Such a blind spot would later undermine the movement, but at the moment, it fueled their ambitions. Radically opposed to U.S. racism and anti-Asian imperialism and encouraged by the controlled tour of Communist countries, these Asian Americans activists shaped their ideology around radical politics.

In their battle against American racism and imperialism, Asian American revolutionaries sought to liberate themselves in the likes of the Viet Cong by pursuing a structure similar to Chinese Communism. The following Red Guard Party, named after Chinese Communist Party Chairman Mao Zedong’s supporters in China’s Cultural Revolution and consisting primarily of American-born Chinatown youth in San Francisco, viewed themselves as the defenders of their ethnicity and approached Asian self-determination from a socialist angle.[47] Like the BPP Ten-Point Program, the similarly militant Red Guard Party established their Eleven Point Program, published in a May 1969 issue of Gidra. As opposed to college campus efforts, the Red Guard Party declared themselves “born out of the poverty and repression of the ghetto…committed to serving the interest of our people.” Their Eleven Point Program details reforms such as an end to police brutality against Asians and the freedom to “determine the destiny of…the Asian community.”[48] The Red Guard Party advocated for Asian self-determination as seen in the AAPA, though they approached it with strategies of the BPP. Centered around community power, the Red Guards viewed themselves as protectors of their ethnic communities, populations which had long been exploited. Out of their various political endeavors such as countering the police or organizing a breakfast program, their rallies were the most successful. Held at Portsmouth Square in San Francisco Chinatown, the Red Guards turned Maoist ideology into Chinese nationalism, attracting Chinatown’s residents to their message of replacing current community leadership with progressive organizations. The revolutionary spirit of the Red Guard Party effected changes in the power structure of their cultural enclaves. However, even as the radicalism of the Red Guard Party inspired other youth at their rallies, it remained constricted within their own communities and the vigor of their effort to organize street youth into revolutionary forces without incorporating the middle class eventually faded.[49]

            Having formed a strong political message, Asian American activists turned to art, music, poetry, and various other forms of media to document their American experience. Politically aware art accompanied rallies to represent the Asian American identity. Trio Charlie Chin, Chris Iijima, and Joanne Nobuko Miyamoto performed in the band A Grain of Sand, singing “music for the struggle by Asians in America.” [50] They released their first album in 1973, titled “A Grain of Sand: Music for the Struggles by Asians in America” and featuring racks such as “Imperialism is Another Word for Hunger” and “Yellow Pearl.” As the first album of Asian American music, “A Grain of Sand” was produced to use the power of music to convey a political message in solidarity with an anti-racism and anti-imperialism stance. The liner notes state that the lyrical elements of the album put “politics in command.”  For them, Asian American identity was a tool by which to advance antiracist and anti-imperialist causes. This belief typified the politics of many cultural workers within the Asian American Movement.[51] By bringing in a cultural aspect, the Asian American Movement established its unique impact in achieving the goal of justice and equality for Asian Americans and of creating communities that transcended ethnicity.

**

Asian American activists in the 1960’s came from different social spheres with different experiences of the war. Young Asian American soldiers confronted the war firsthand. Radicals on campuses and in the community streets developed critical discourses, activisms and ideologies. All of them experienced racism, and many of them joined forces to create a self-determined Asian American identity underpinning the Asian American movement. Although the loosely organized Asian American movement comprised a variety of organizations and individuals with different ideologies and strategies, all agreed that building a multiethnic, racially based coalition would provide an effective basis for resisting racism.[1] At the end of the Vietnam War, pan-Asian groups developed more diverse social and cultural programming as their political mission came to a close. Now the task was to continue seeking racial justice but also to provide a cultural home for increasingly established and newer Asian immigrants. By the 21st century, it has become quite natural for Asian Americans to join multiple groups, both pan-Asian and ones specific to their own national tradition. North American universities offer clubs that invite Asian Americans as well as international students to participate and intersect with many others. While seemingly historically remote from the radical days of Vietnam War protests and the Asian American movement, Asian American student groups retain their tradition of defending civil rights and interethnic solidarity for Asians in the United States.

Endnotes

[1]  Vaun Wilmott, "Student Protesters Disrupt UC Davis Military Ceremony," The Sacramento Bee (Sacramento), May 6, 1970, C1, 33, accessed June 11, 2020, https://www.newspapers.com/image/619729007/.

[2] Don Speich, "Student Strike Starts Quietly at SSC," The Sacramento Bee (Sacramento), May 6, 1970, 33, accessed June 11, 2020, https://www.newspapers.com/image/619729007/.

[3] Jerry M. Lewis and Thomas R. Hensley, "The May 4 Shootings at Kent State University: The Search for Historical Accuracy," Kent State University, accessed June 11, 2020, https://www.kent.edu/may-4-historical-accuracy.

[4] Winter Soldier Investigation Americal Division, Winterfilm, 1971, accessed June 12, 2020, https://archive.org/details/MotionPicture0064.

[5] Michael Liu, Kim Geron, and Tracy Lai, The Snake Dance of Asian American Activism (n.p.: Lexington Book, 2008), 10.

[6] "Vietnam War," in Gale World History Online Collection (Detroit, MI: Gale, 2020), 2-3, https://link-gale-com.puffin.harker.org/apps/doc/ATMPRS011863425/WHIC?u=harker&sid=WHIC&xid=86cffe1

[7]  "Vietnam War," Encyclopedia Britannica High School Edition, https://school-eb-com.puffin.harker.org/levels/high/article/Vietnam-War/75317.

[8] Liu, Geron, and Lai, The Snake, 17-18.

[9] Yen Le Espiritu, Asian American Panethnicity: Bridging Institutions and Identities (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992), 19.

[10] Liu, Geron, and Lai, The Snake, 18.

[11] Erika Lee, "The Chinese Are Coming. How Can We Stop Them? Chinese Exclusion and the Origins of American Gatekeeping," in Asian American Studies Now, ed. Jean Yu-wen Shen Wu and Thomas C. Chen (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2010), 158, 

[12] Liu, Geron, and Lai, The Snake, 19.

[13] "How to Tell Japs from the Chinese," Life, December 22, 1941, 81-82, accessed June 13, 2020, https://www.nps.gov/manz/learn/education/upload/Secondary%20Lesson%205%20Act%201.pdf.

[14] Xiaohua Ma, "The Sino-American Alliance during World War II and the Lifting of the Chinese Exclusion Acts," American Studies International38, no. 2 (2000): 48, http://www.jstor.org.puffin.harker.org/stable/41279769.

[15] Liu, Geron, and Lai, The Snake, 20.

[16] Daryl J. Maeda, Chains of Babylon: The Rise of Asian America (n.p.: University of Minnesota Press, 2009), 27.

[17] Liu, Geron, and Lai, The Snake, 30.

[18] Gidra," 3, no. 8 (1971,08,01): 9, https://doi.org/10.2307/community.28144845.

[19] Anti-Vietnam War March Leaflet, photograph, https://quest-eb-com.puffin.harker.org/search/pentagon-antiwar-protest/1/315_2692298/Anti-Vietnam-War-March-Leaflet/more.

[20] Maeda, Chains of Babylon, 104.

[21] Ibid., 99.

[22] David Roediger, "Gook: The Short History of an Americanism," Monthly Review, March 1992, 1, accessed June 21, 2020, http://www.davidroediger.org/articles/gook-the-short-history-of-americanism.html.

[23] William Wei, The Asian American Movement (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1993), 209.

[24] Simeon Man, "Fighting “Gooks”:," in Soldiering through Empire: Race and the Making of the Decolonizing Pacific (Berkeley, CA.: University of California Press, 2018), 137, http://www.jstor.org.puffin.harker.org/stable/10.1525/j.ctt1zk0mz3.11.

[25] Maeda, Chains of Babylon, 107.

[26] Man, "Fighting “Gooks”," 136.

[27] Mike Watanabe, interview by Yen Le Espiritu, in Asian American Panethnicity: Bridging Institutions and Identities, by Yen Le Espiritu (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992), 44.

[28] Michael Ray, "My-Lai Massacre," Encyclopedia Britannica High School Edition, https://www.britannica.com/event/My-Lai-Massacre.

[29] Jeffrey Kimball, "The Vietnam War on Trial: The My Lai Massacre and the Court-Martial of Lieutenant Calley," Pacific Historical Review 72, no. 4 (2003): 663, https://doi.org/10.1525/phr.2003.72.4.661.

[30] Maeda, Chains of Babylon, 123.

[31] Ibid., 120.

[32] Ibid., 107.

[33] Federal Bureau of Investigation, Asian-American Political Alliance, by James E. Sherriff (San Francisco: Government Publishing Office, 1969), 27, accessed January 18, 2021, https://archive.org/stream/AsianAmericanPoliticalAlliance/AsianAmericanPoliticalAlliance01#page/n79/mode/2up/search/aapa+newspaper.

[34]  Maeda, Chains of Babylon, 120.

[35] Michael Ray, "My-Lai Massacre," Encyclopedia Britannica High School Edition, https://www.britannica.com/event/My-Lai-Massacre.

[36] Maeda, Chains of Babylon, 108.

[37] Ibid., 126.

[38] Evan Cui, "Asian American Political Alliance (AAPA)," San Francisco's Digital Archive at Found, accessed June 28, 2020, http://www.foundsf.org/index.php?title=Asian_American_Political_Alliance_(AAPA).

[39]  "New Left," in Encyclopedia Britannica, 1, https://school-eb-com.puffin.harker.org/levels/high/article/New-Left/603010.

[40] Gidra," 1, no. 2 (1969,05,01): 4, https://doi.org/10.2307/community.28144820.

[41] Maeda, Chains of Babylon, 120.

[42] Aguilar- San Juan, Karin. "'We Are Extraordinarily Lucky to Be Living in These Times': A Conversation with Grace Lee Boggs." Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies 36, no. 2 (2015): 98. Accessed January 18, 2021. https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5250/fronjwomestud.36.2.0092.

[43] Maeda, Chains of Babylon, 68.

[44] Ibid., 120.

[45] Ibid., 120.

[46] Diane C. Fujino, "“Support All Oppressed Peoples”," in Samurai among Panthers: Richard Aoki on Race, Resistance, and a Paradoxical Life(Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2012), 170, https://doi.org/10.5749/j.ctttt7vd.11.

[47] Wei, The Asian, 203.

[48] Maeda, Chains of Babylon, 82.

[49] Lyman, Stanford M. "Red Guard on Grant Avenue." In Culture and Civility in San Francisco, edited by Howard S. Becker, 21-34. 1971. Accessed January 18, 2021.

[50] Iijima, Chris Kando, Joanne Nobuko Miyamoto, and Charlie Chin. “A Grain of Sand.” PAREDON P-1020, 1973. Accessed January 18, 2021. https://folkways-media.si.edu/liner_notes/paredon/PAR01020.pdf. Liner Notes.

[51] Maeda, Chains of Babylon, 82.

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